Monday, 31 August 2020

Berrios History of Mental Symptoms - notes on positive psychotic symptoms

 

Hallucinations

Hallucinations moved away from understanding the semantic content towards differential classification from veridical perception, illusion and hallucination

Hallucinations/ illusions surveys of population in 19th century showed common in healthy population.

Definitions of pseudohallucinations unstable; vary from false perceptions with insight to false perceptions with limited "vivacity" or less convincing than veridical perception or in internal space.

Importance of Scottish philosophers of common sense on faculty psychology i.e. separate functions/ faculties

contrast with associationist models where simpler mental phenomena are building blocks of more complex phenomena and are interconnected

 

Thought disorder

Thought disorder originally not separated from language problems like expressive and receptive aphasia. Associated with dementia praecox as an important symptom. As it is dependent on theories of thinking it will be harder to find direct biological correlates

 

Delusions

Delusion regarded as hallmark of insanity . Often combined with delirium only separation that of Presence of fever.

18-19th C Aetiology involved somatic events of various types

Locke made parallel of arguing right from a wrong premise, he also had continuity psychosis description that erroneous thoughts/ beliefs also occur in general population

Often thought to be secondary to an internal event

Associationist thinking, defect of reason/judgement

Also separating into delusions caused by hallucinations and other delusions

Pinel only had 4 categories, delirium included hallucinations and delusions

Delusions thought often due to eg hallucinations or internal sensation, importance of affective response 

Disorder of intellect of reasoning and judgment due to organic brain disease e.g. Pinel thought attention

Delusions may be graded in severity

Often seen in context eg Falret who also thought lack of insight important

Early 19th C delusion and delirium thought to be same construct

Delirium split into with fever and without - the latter was insanity.

Early 19th C French psychiatry identified delusional disorder as separate, had continuity ideas of delusions; thought could be caused by emotional excitation

German 19thc insanity is chronic delire without fever but also partway between physical disease and mental illness as possible unidentified somatic disease

Griesinger unitary psychosis - melancholia to mania to dementia

Delusions are secondary eg to hallucinations or strong emotions; incorrigibility, contrary to previous ideas, different from normal strong beliefs, due to brain disease

English speaking 19th c Haslam impossibility of infallible definition of madness; all mental faculties involved eg judgment and memory

Mania at the time includes insanity not just elated moo

Pritchard - partial insanity with some  insight

Bucknill and Tuke - delusion in English errors without being corrected by reason

Mid 19th C French.

I use delirium a lot but often means delire

Cotard linked motor activity, thinking and mental content

Mid 19th C British

Hughlings Jackson includes positive and negative but in terms of evolution and dissolution of functions and not as we think of it

He thought delusions were the expression of healthy tissue released by abolition of function in diseased tissue

Late 19th to 20th C French psychiatry Magnan Serieux similar to Jaspers incubation, crystallisation, and 2 further stages

Targrowla and like Levy-Bruhl like Jaspers of intrusion of sudden complete judgment

Chaslin like Cotard and earlier regarded delusions and hallucinations as similar,

Delusions could occur in absence of defect of reasoning but also with defect

German 19thc insanity is chronic delire without fever but also partway between physical disease and mental illness as possible unidentified somatic disease

Griesinger unitary psychosis - melancholia to mania to dementia

Delusions are secondary eg to hallucinations or strong emotions; incorrigibility, contrary to previous ideas, different from normal strong beliefs, due to brain disease

English speaking 19th c Haslam impossibility of infallible definition of madness; all mental faculties involved eg judgment and memory

Mania at the time includes insanity not just elated moo

Pritchard - partial insanity with some  insight

Bucknill and Tuke - delusion in English errors without being corrected by reason

Mid 19th C French.

People use delirium a lot but in French often means delire

Cotard linked motor activity, thinking and mental content

Mid 19th C British

Hughlings Jackson includes positive and negative but in terms of evolution and dissolution of functions and not as we think of it

He thought delusions were the expression of healthy tissue released by abolition of function in diseased tissue

Late 19th to 20th C French psychiatry Magnan Serieux similar to Jaspers incubation, crystallisation, and 2 further stages

Targrowla and like Levy-Bruhl like Jaspers of intrusion of sudden complete judgment

Chaslin like Cotard and earlier regarded delusions and hallucinations as similar,

Delusions could occur in absence of defect of reasoning but also with defect

Delusions concept based on outdated concepts eg of epistemology

Eg based on concept of wrong belief that may or may have volitional content

Berrios states Jaspers actually regards delusions as having the form of beliefs but the content is morbid and false

Berrios states delusions do not meet Price criteria for beliefs

He states Bayesian models may not apply to delusions or normal beliefs

Delusions not real beliefs as not statements about the world (calls them empty speech acts) but Berrios ignored that they tell you something about the patient and their world

Talks about delusions being “enveloped” in “psychosocial noise”

Primary vs secondary delusions plus theories of psychological and biological causation

Even if can’t currently comprehend delusions on future may be able to

Up until early 19th C delusions considered sign of madness and little interest in their content

By 1850 interest in their form Then interest in the their content 1850s onward - hermeneutic rules driving content not succeeded

Pre delusional state PDS of moods, thought, connotation (consciousness) and motor action - existed before Jaspers including Hesnard in?France

Links between madness and dreaming again.

Ball & Ritti late 19th c linked sudden delusional formation with VEGETATIVE symptoms p116

Many before Jaspers had primary and secondary delusions including in France / Germany

De Clerembeault early 20th C thought delusions and hallucinations secondary to coenesthopathies - internal anamolous experiences

Pre Delusional State (PDS()  in relation to primary delusions what hallucinations or moods are to secondary delusions

PDS primordial soup out of which hallucinations/ delusions formed depending on coding rules

PDS not always observed by clinicians as occurred before contact as may function ok

Berrios says cognitive functioning during PDS impaired and delusion formation may not therefore provide adaptive / teleological / epistemological function

PDS descriptions important form various authors

Conrad Endogenous depression caused by SCZ but never other way round

Blondel and Llopis important ideas

In Continent PDS are disorders of consciousness - Continent disorders of consciousness is not just attention problems, disorientation and confusion but also dysphoria, irritability, subtle loss of grasp, situational disorientation and hypereasthetic states

Others also focussed on perplexity

Unclear if delusions different in SCZ from mania or organic disorders

May be mistaken believing same structure as normal beliefs

Dimensional measurements of aspects of delusions not v helpful and dimensional model does not clarify well from Normal beliefs according to experienced clinicians “figment of the researcher’s imagination” p. 125

Also wrong to have continuum between over-valued ideas, delusions and obsessions

20Th C saw sub typing of delusions eg jealousy as of separate diseases

19th C delusions “intimately linked to the notion of insanity itself” p. 126 and before 1800 both organic delirium and insanity depended on delusions, illusions and hallucinations (which were not considered as separate phenomena)

Wednesday, 13 May 2020

Answering evolution’s challenge to Davidson’s anomalous monism may create opportunity for neuroscience in mental health




0.    Abstract

Neuroscience aims to explain mental health problems as well as provide other useful clinical information such as measuring severity and predicting treatment response using nomothetic techniques which rely on type identity. Davidson’s anomalous monism states that there is token identity but not type identity for mental events. I will argue that evolution favours type identity for at least some mental functions in hominids (including those likely to of interest to clinical neuroscience such as anxiety) because natural selection can only work through genetics replicating physical structures and processes. I will discuss several possible defences of anomalous monism. Rejecting evolution entirely as a theory creates too many problems and trying to argue evolution has not influenced the development of the mind is unlikely to be true. The concept of multiple realisation does not apply to minds belonging to evolution of members of the same species. It may be that some aspects of mental functioning have anomalous monism properties but others have been influenced by evolution and have type identity properties and are accessible to neuroscience allowing potential clinical utility for these techniques.

1.1   Anomalous monism’s challenge to the neuroscience of mental health

Applied neuroscience has several goals  in mental health. The first is explanation – how do the mental states and events of clinical interest arise i.e. their mechanisms which can lead onto methods of how to prevent undesirable mental states and promote more desirable mental states and how to alter undesirable mental states into more desirable ones (leaving aside whose values determine desirability). Furthermore, if we have a better idea of the explanation of mental states of clinical interest then we can change diagnostic criteria of psychiatric disorders from mostly descriptive constructs to those based on explanation.
A further goal of neuroscience in mental health is to identify biomarkers which can have several clinical functions: assess risk of developing a condition, in order to confirm a diagnosis or measure a trait, to measure severity of a clinical state (which can also be used as a proxy marker of treatment response), to identify the stage of someone’s illness , as a predictor of treatment response and to help estimate prognosis (Davis et al, 2015 and Steele & Paulus, 2019).
Are these goals of neuroscience possible according to philosophy of mind? One influential position by Davidson outlines three principles which all operate: “at least some mental events interact causally with physical events” , that where causality exists it “will fall under strict deterministic laws” and “there are no strict deterministic laws on the basis of which mental events can be predicted and explained” (Davidson, 1970: 208). In anomalous monism there is token identity of mental events/ states that is the mental event/ state is also a physical event/ state (the physical state/event is the token of the mental state/event in the physical realm).  So, the mental event/ state supervenes on the physical event/ state but it cannot be reduced to a physical state and any examination of the physical event/ state will not allow a prediction of the mental event/ state. Type identity of mental events/ states with physical events/states means that you can predict the mental event/state from knowing the physical event/state and that the equivalent mental event/state in different individuals would be accompanied by the same physical event/ same in them (as discussed in Heil, (2013A:128-130) but Davidson objects to “psychophysical laws” applying between mental events/ states, as this would lead to physical events/states having causal deterministic interactions with each other and this would eliminate mental events/ states forming “reasons” for behaviour such as thinking it is going to rain and taking an umbrella outside as they are just the mental event/ state marker of the real deterministic interactions at the physical level (Heil, 2013: 130-132) hence token identity but no type identity.
Neuroscience especially in its application in mental health clinical practice relies on nomothetic research methods. In other words for a group of participants whose common principle is that they have a mental event/ state x (for instance depression, hallucinations or responding to a treatment) at least some of them must have sufficient similarities in brain structure and/ or processes which allows this similarity to be detected and demonstrated in research participants and then extrapolated to patients in clinical practice. There are formidable methodological difficulties for this type of clinical neuroscience research (Steele & Paulus, 2019) even if type identity exists but anomalous monism would a priori mean such research is impossible. There is no type identity i.e. mental events/ states are not “reducible” to physical events/states.

1.2   Is evolution involved in the development of the human mind?

Davidson presents an ontological description of mind’s relationship to the brain but how did the mind come about in humans - the ultimate subject of interest of neuroscience in mental health? Evolution is the most widely accepted theory explaining the development of physical human attributes such as the eyes, the structure of cells or the functioning of the cardiovascular system. Has evolution shaped the brain’s development and what are the implications for the mind and anomalous monism?
Evolution is a process involving selection pressures that preferentially favours certain attributes to be passed down to the next generation in organisms if they allow them to produce more viable offspring. This might be because this attribute (which may be discontinuous/ categorical or a particular point on a spectrum such as increased length or a particular colour) increases the lifespan of the organism (increasing the opportunity to produce offspring) or increased fertility increasing the numbers of viable offspring. Conversely certain attributes may be selected against because they reduce the likelihood of viable offspring. This natural selection is a dynamic process as the attributes’ advantage depends on its fit with the environment which fluctuates through time.
A classic example are moths with a darker coloured variant – this variant was more thought to be more easily spotted whilst resting on tree barks by predators so tended to have shorter lifespans with subsequently less offspring and was a rare variant. When the industrial revolution produced pollution darkening tree barks which favoured the darker variant surviving by being harder to spot against the dark bark then this dark variant became more common.
Some attributes are selected for despite some disadvantages because they offer some selection advantages such as sickle cell trait in humans which can result in sickle cell disease but in the milder sickle cell trait offers increased resistance to malaria a common dangerous endemic illness in regions where sickle cell trait is commonly found.
A “Whiggish progress” view of evolution as continual improvement ignores that fluctuating variation in attributes in response to changing environments occurs through time. Whilst being aware of this tendency there does appear to be a dramatic increase in brain size through time in hominids. This bigger brain has survival costs – it requires a large proportion of the body’s nutritional intake as energy to power its neural activity; it’s lengthy maturation time requires many years of parenting and protection and the large head combined with a bipedal gait tilting the pelvis increases reproductive casualties dramatically for both mother and child in the form of death and disease and associated impairment.
Given all these costs of the large brain through hominid evolution what could be the gain in survival advantage or increased viable offspring that justifies the selection of increasing brain size by evolutionary forces? I will start by eliminating some brain functions as possibilities.
The brain has regulatory input into the cardiovascular and respiratory systems but in humans there does not appear to be any impressive additional abilities from the brain that would be favoured by evolution. Control of the endocrine system resides in the hypothalamic-pituitary areas but again there does not appear to be any human-specific evolutionary advantages. None of these areas described above seem particularly enlarged in size.
The human cerebral cortex is dramatically enlarged. It is involved in initiation and control of movement along with the basal ganglia and cerebellum. Yet there is nothing particularly amazing about human movement such as speed or agility compared to other species, the bipedal gait tends to make us slower on the ground but it does free up our hands. Yes the hands are capable of precision and manipulation but in the natural environment this does not add up to much in terms of enhanced survival or increased viable offspring by itself – the advantages come when the hands can be used to manipulate objects created by people using the advantages created by the another function which we shall discuss in the next paragraph. The cerebral cortex is also involved in processing sensory perception but human senses are again not outstanding compared to many other species to justify such an enlarged brain.
The final major brain function is to incorporate a variety of data – external sensory perceptions, interoceptive information (such as hunger), relevant past data such as memories, possible scenario planning/ anticipation of events and subsequent action and evaluation / responses (such as emotions) . This evaluation of data (which may come from a variety of locations in the brain) and then initiation of action takes place in the cerebral cortex and involves the cerebellum and deeper ganglia such as the amygdala. Given that the cerebral cortex is the part of the hominid brain that has been greatly enlarged through evolution it seems likely that this function is the evolutionary advantage that has been selected for – it has allowed us to make tools, form complex societies and perform more advanced hunting, practice agriculture and herding all of which increased our foodstuff availability increasing survival and numbers of viable offspring. These brain functions may be taken to be mind functions in many cases. A mind is “guided by representations” (Heil 2013B, 138) – the various data the brain receives is converted into representations and these guide actions. This is compatible with anomalous monism (and also with type identity theories of mind states with brain states). The rest of this section will proceed with the assumption of anomalous monism or type identity.
Dennet classified several times of minds developed through evolutionary processes as discussed by Heil (2013B: 138-40)  - Darwinian minds react in predictable ways to stable environments, next are Skinnerian minds learn through trial and error to act in the most optimal ways in their environment, then there are Popperian minds which create mental representations of their environment to test internally to decide the optimal actions and finally Gregorian minds are capable of self-conscious representation i.e. they are conscious of themselves carrying out the representation. Animals with the more advanced types of mind also contain in themselves the earlier types of minds. So far only humans can be shown to have Gregorian minds but for example can have their behaviour altered by operant conditioning as Skinnerian minds are. In this case the evolutionary selection pressure seems to be increasing adaptive capability of the organism whilst in their environment at least until the Popperian to Gregorian transition.
One can ask though will evolution be involved in the mind? Using  Maslow’s hierarchy of needs with “physiological needs” as an essential base of needs such as food and water and then safety and security (I quibble with the order but that can be set aside for now) then an organism that ignores these essential needs, for example does not recognise when it needs to prioritise seeking food or water or does not avoid danger is clearly at a risk of premature death reducing survival. An organism that does not seek to create opportunities to reproduce is similarly less likely to create viable offspring. Hence there will be selection pressures to create brains that monitor interoceptive signals triggering scanning the external environments for opportunities to seek to meet these physiological needs or to monitor the environment for threats and respond appropriately.
So evolutionary processes exert selection pressures to create brains and hence minds that can meet these needs. As a simple example it is advantageous for organisms to have mental events such as “I am hungry therefore I should seek food” which can also be understood as reasons for behaviour.  If higher levels of Maslow’s needs (such as self-actualisation) can be shown to exert evolutionary positive selection pressure then evolution will favour the development of brains and hence minds that seek to meet that meet these minds. It is not necessary to show all levels of need have an evolutionary input from an applied neuroscience point of view just that evolution influences at least some brain/ mind functions of clinical interest such as anxiety. I am not deploying an expansionist evolutionary theory that all mind activity is influenced by evolution – that the ability to write plays or fill out spreadsheets is all down to natural selection – just that the neuroscience of mental health only requires type identity for brain and mind states that have clinical usefulness as discussed in 1.1.

1.3   The mechanism of evolution affecting the mind and the challenge for anomalous monism

An example relevant to clinical neuroscience that has been influenced by natural selection due to its usefulness increasing survival by promoting avoidance of threatening situations is anxiety, the subject of a recent set of editorials in the American Journal of Psychiatry (Cisler (2020), Kalin (2020), Kessler (2020) and Smoller (2020)). They discussed how high degrees of anxiety are common across many psychiatric disorders, it is an evolutionary conserved mechanism, many different aspects of anxiety share common genetic factors, that several neurological circuits that seem to perform cross-species equivalent roles have been discovered in rodents, other primates and humans and that neuroscience techniques can also be used for several roles such as identifying common neural signatures of clinical problems or investigating correlates of effective behaviour therapy. It does seem plausible that anxiety would be influenced by natural selection.
If an organism lacked an anxiety response to threats it is more vulnerable to shorter lifespan if it has no anxiety to drive avoidance of predation or other dangers. Conversely too much anxiety will lead to excessive inhibition of behaviour and passing up opportunities to seek food or seek mates thus reducing lifespan or numbers of offspring. Thus, evolution is likely to lead a variety of degrees of anxiety responses in a population with the environment determining the appropriate level. Some anxiety disorders such as phobias are clearly influenced by evolution – we tend to develop phobias to dangerous situations that are part of our evolutionary inheritance (such as snakes, spiders or situations where we can be pounced upon such as busy spaces) rather than contemporary dangerousness (such as guns). Other mental disorders often generate anxiety (for example persecutory delusions) which will then involve anxiety mechanisms influenced by evolution.
For natural selection to have a positive selection pressure for attributes it relies on the organism with the advantageous attribute to pass it on to their offspring -fidelity of replication. (A negative selection pressure will be where the trait is disadvantageous for survival or having less viable offspring and so there is less offspring carrying this trait). The attributes or traits are passed on by genetic transmission. For genetic transmission though to act as the mechanism by which natural selection is carried out then it requires the advantageous trait or attribute to be largely replicated in the offspring from the parent organism. If the alteration in kidney structure or the modification in the clotting process enhances an organism’s survival, then this is what needs to be passed on to its offspring. So genetic material must produce a similar copy in offspring. If there is no similarity then natural selection cannot work – if an attribute is advantageous but is not passed on by producing similar structure and or process in the offspring then it is only advantageous in the generation of organism it arose in and stops there. This would mean evolution would not occur as there is no mechanism through which advantages could be passed on.
Genetics works primarily through DNA sequences being translated into amino acid sequences and hence proteins. These proteins then lead to structural and/ or process changes directly or indirectly. Proteins are biological and hence physical in nature and so are any results of their influence and thus potentially accessible to scientific measurement.  There is no evidence of genetic transmission of non-physical material. This means that if a mental function is affected by evolution – and it seems likely that at least some mental functions (discussed in 1.2 and anxiety earlier in this section) will be affected by evolution – then genetic transmission will be expected to create a close similarity in structure and/ or processes between parent and offspring such as an organised neurological circuit or altered levels of neurotransmitter activity. This close similarity for inherited structure and process has to lead to similarities in mental function (i.e. type identity) which is the attribute being selected for. If the structure/ process being inherited does not lead to similarity in mental function then natural selection will not be able to take place and in 1.2 there is strong evidence to suggest natural selection in hominids has favoured the development of mental functions such that are found in current humans.  Natural selection therefore means type identity for at least the mental functions influenced by natural selection thus opening the door to neuroscientific investigations for them.
It may be that some mental functions are replicated as a capability and other factors then build upon a common underlying structure (such as a distributed circuit) to produce final mental end-products (perhaps between individuals they have very different connections between neurones and consequent activity). For mental functions though that are more basic to survival and evolutionarily conserved in species that there is greater fidelity of replication as natural selection is unlikely to rely on a more haphazard arrangement or indeed that this haphazard arrangement to be conserved.
Clinical neuroscience does not need to be able to explain the production of all mental contents of mental health problems to be useful, for example they can used as a diagnostic marker or to measure illness severity (see 1.1). Depression can affect mental functions likely to be influenced by natural selection such as appetite, sleep regulation and ability to concentrate – neuroscience could be used to measure severity of the impact of depression on these functions. Anxiety disorders are often maintained by operant conditioning and this Skinnerian mind function has been developed through natural selection Heil (2013B: 138-40) then clinical neuroscience has the possibility of demonstrating the neural signature of these processes. Hallucinations are a perception without an appropriate stimulus and are found in several types of mental health problems – these to some degree involve mental functions involving perception to some extent which will have been influenced by natural selection which gain implies type identity for these processes again opening the door to clinical neuroscience.

2.1 Defending anomalous monism against evolution’s challenge


Several counter arguments can be deployed to fend off this challenge. Firstly, one can assert that that evolution is only a theory and reject it out of hand. This causes multiple difficulties – why are so many biologists wrong about a theory that seems to have much usefulness it leaves the problem of how did species come about and their similarities and differences? If we resort to creationist theories we could equally be opening the door to occasionalism and anomalous monism is lost by the back door.

Secondly, evolution may be accepted but it may be argued that it does not apply to the mind.  The mental functions that we may regard as comprising the mind (such as consciousness in the broad sense, abstract thought,  emotions, memories) may be an accidental by-product of evolution: a spandrel - “by-products of the development of other traits, but they themselves have never possessed any adaptive function”   (Murphy & Woolfolk, 200: p.243). Yet as discussed in 1.2. this argument it has several difficulties. What are these other traits that the mind got a free ride on? What else could explain the investment in increasing brain size in hominids as other possibilities seem unlikely? How did the mind develop in humans if not through evolutionary processes?

The third argument is that multiple realisation for analogous structures/ functions occurs due to evolution (such as eyes in insects, cephalopods and vertebrates) means no type identity is required for mental functions but multiple realisation applies to different species or even alien species or different types of entities such as computers with artificial intelligence having similar functions to mental functions of human minds. This however does not apply to members of the same species and at least some mental functions such as pain are likely to be based on “uniform physical processes” in humans (Papineau 2010: 189-190).  Clinical neuroscience is ultimately interested in the human species not aliens or Robbie the Robot.

The argument can be further developed for example that some higher mental functions such as  problem solving and learning capabilities may be “variably realized at the physical level across different individuals” even if these capabilities are selected for by evolution (Papineau, 2010: 186-187). The division between mind functions with evolutionary input and type identity (such as anxiety) and those with evolutionary input but only for a “variably realised” capability (such as a problem solving capability) or mental functions with no evolutionary input (such as the ability to write a novel) may appear conceptually “reasonably clear-cut, but on reflection it is by no means obvious where it lies” (Papineau, 2010: 191). This analysis is compatible with Heil’s analysis of Davidson’s position – that the “mental events” Davidson is referring to are only a subset of particular activities of the mind such as sentences involving propositional attitudes (Heil 2013A: 133-137). So a capability for certain mental functions may show type identity to a certain degree but the final realisation – altered by culture or experience – may be more “variably realised” (see discussion in 1.3 about common circuits between individuals but different connections between neurones within these circuits).

To use dreaded computer analogies acknowledging this is a metaphorical not exact comparison it may be that evolution could be thought of as creating the hardware and operating system (though the system settings may be influenced by the particular environment the organism is in) and this operating system allows a form of self-created programs to be made or the programs to be created by external inputs (the metaphorical programmer of the mind would be experience and meaning or extra-individual factors such as sociological factors): these programs in themselves are not influenced by evolution, but the capacity for these to be created were influenced by evolution. Since the operating system and hardware is influenced by evolution this allows type identity and a possible target of investigation by neuroscience using nomothetic techniques. The programs running on the operating system on the other hand, whilst using the operating system, can follow Davidson’s anomalous monism principles and are not able to investigated by neuroscience using nomothetic techniques. These programs may be regarded as operating on a “different level” and be investigated and described using other techniques such as qualitative research and schools of knowledge such as non-reductive psychology or sociology (Thornton, 2015). So whilst the higher level of thought triggering anxiety (“people are going to laugh at me because I look vulnerable”) may have a token identity and be inaccessible to neuroscience but the associated threat response is realised through anxiety neurological circuits which show type identity and are accessible to neuroscience.
3.1 Conclusion
Davidson’s anomalous monism involves token identity and no psychophysical laws for mental events but not type identity which would make neuroscience for mental health problems using nomothetic techniques impossible. Evolution is likely to have favoured the development of increased brains in hominids and these are likely to be for mental functions. Evolution requires the replication of structures and processes in the next generation which necessitates type identity for at least some mental functions. A metaphorical model of the computer hardware and operating system being influenced by evolution and hence having type identity for some mental functions and accessible to neuroscience using nomothetic techniques and programs whose outputs may have token identity but not type identity which would be the equivalent of Davidson’s mental events and better investigated with other methods.

References

Cisler, J.M., 2020. Semantic Networks and Mechanisms of Exposure Therapy: Implications for the Treatment of Panic Disorder. American Journal of Psychiatry, 177(3), p.197-199
Davidson, D., 1970. “Mental Events”. I L. Foster & JW Swanson (ed.), Experience and Theory. University of Massachusetts Press (s. 207-224).
Davis, J., Maes, M., Andreazza, A., McGrath, J.J., Tye, S.J. and Berk, M., 2015. “Towards a classification of biomarkers of neuropsychiatric disease: from encompass to compass.” Molecular psychiatry, 20(2), pp.152-153.
Heil, J., 2013A “Causation”. LePore, E. and Ludwig, K. eds., 2013. “A companion to Donald Davidson.” Wiley-Blackwell.(p.126-40)
Heil, J., 2013B. “Philosophy of mind: A contemporary introduction.” (Third edition) Routledge.
Kalin, N.H., 2020. Novel Insights Into Pathological Anxiety and Anxiety-Related Disorders. American Journal of Psychiatry, 177(3), p.187-189
Ressler, K.J., 2020. Translating Across Circuits and Genetics Toward Progress in Fear-and Anxiety-Related Disorders.  American Journal of Psychiatry, 177(3), p.214-222
Murphy, D. and Woolfolk, R.L., 2000. The harmful dysfunction analysis of mental disorder. Philosophy, Psychiatry, & Psychology, 7(4), pp.241-252
Papineau, D., 2010. Can any sciences be special.”  Chapter 12. Macdonald, G. and Macdonald, C.( eds.), 2010. Emergence in mind. Oxford University pp.179-197
Rosenberg, A., 2001. On multiple realization and the special sciences. The Journal of Philosophy, 98(7), pp.365-373.
Smoller, J.W., 2020. Anxiety Genetics Goes Genomic. The American Journal of Psychiatry, 177(3), p.190-194
Steele, J.D. and Paulus, M.P., 2019. Pragmatic neuroscience for clinical psychiatry. The British Journal of Psychiatry, 215(1), pp.404-408.
Thornton, T., 2015. Against explanatory minimalism in psychiatry. Frontiers in psychiatry, 6, p.171.


Thursday, 30 January 2020

What is Therapeutic Necessity?


Introduction

In Herczegfalvy v Austria the European Court of Human Rights ruled that imposed psychiatric treatment without consent did not breach Article 3 of the European Convention of Human Rights (freedom from torture and inhuman or degrading treatment) in situations of medical or therapeutic necessity (Bartlett, 2011: p. 525). In order to grant this warrant to override the usual ethical position of respecting patient autonomy it is necessary to define what medical or therapeutic necessity is. Bartlett, a legal expert, suggested therapeutic necessity should involve “treating the underlying disorder or improving outcomes” in situations of severity (Bartlett, 2011: p. 525) whilst expressing scepticism about psychiatric treatments.
I will argue that Bartlett’s criteria are unnecessarily restrictive as to what a therapeutic objective is (for example can include reducing distress), is overly pessimistic about psychiatric treatment effectiveness, that necessity involves the clinician weighing up several factors and that safeguards exist to oversee clinical decision-making.

1.    Why is Therapeutic Necessity Important?


“A characteristic feature of mental health legislation … is the provision which is made for waiving, in certain cases, that respect for patients’ autonomy, their right not to be treated without their explicit consent, … regarded as a requirement in most fields of medicine.” (Mathews, 2000: p.59)
Psychiatric detention and treatment without consent may be regarded by some as breaching Articles 3 (freedom for torture and inhuman/ degrading treatment),  5 (liberty and security of the person) and 8 (respect for private and family life) of the European Convention of Human Rights (Bartlett, 2012:  352). On the specific issue of enforced treatment without consent the case of Herczegfalvy v Austria is “key” in establishing under which circumstances Article 3 has not been breached (Bartlett, 2011).

“The established principles of medicine are admittedly in principle decisive
in such cases; as a general rule, a measure which is a therapeutic
necessity cannot be regarded as inhuman or degrading. The Court must
nevertheless satisfy itself that the medical necessity has been convincingly
shown to exist.” (Bartlett, 2012: p.365)


Specific advice has been given firstly for necessity (Article 18) and what constitutes therapeutic (Article 19).

The Recommendation of the Committee of Ministers to Member States concerning the protection of the human rights and dignity of persons with mental disorder, Rec(2004)10,.. sets out different criteria for involuntary treatment and involuntary detention. The substantive recommendations concerning involuntary treatment are as follows: Article 18 – Criteria for involuntary treatment A person may be subject to involuntary treatment only if all the following conditions are met: i. the person has a mental disorder; ii. the person’s condition represents a significant risk of serious harm to his or her health or to other persons; iii. no less intrusive means of providing appropriate care are available; iv. the opinion of the person concerned has been taken into consideration. Article 19 – Principles concerning involuntary treatment 1. Involuntary treatment should: i. address specific clinical signs and symptoms; ii. be proportionate to the person’s state of health; iii. form part of a written treatment plan; iv. be documented; v. where appropriate, aim to enable the use of treatment acceptable to the person as soon as possible.” (Bartlett, 2012: p.374)
Legal justification for enforced psychiatric treatment without consent relies on the condition of therapeutic necessity and split into two further conditions – what is therapeutic intervention and what is necessity. 


2. What is Bartlett’s definition of Therapeutic Necessity?


Bartlett, a legal academic, defines therapeutic (as opposed to therapeutically necessary) as “treatments {which} may appropriately be prescribed which are not therapeutically necessary. Treatments which attack the symptoms of a disorder but not the underlying disease are an obvious example” (Bartlett, 2011: p. 533) as well as “treating the underlying disorder or improving outcomes” (Bartlett, 2011: p. 531). The Code of Practice of the Mental Health Act (1983) requires that appropriate treatment “must be treatment which is for the purpose of alleviating or preventing a worsening of the patient’s mental disorder or its symptoms or manifestations” (Bartlett, 2011: p.533). Whereas Bartlett does not regard lessening symptoms as part of therapeutic necessity – only those treatments that target “underlying disease” or improve outcomes (but not outcomes such as improving symptoms). Bartlett further distinguishes between therapeutic appropriateness and therapeutic necessity with only the latter justifying compulsion (Bartlett, 2011: p.534). To discuss this distinction further:
“that an appropriate treatment is available should not mean that a State should… force people to undergo that treatment.  ‘Medical necessity’ as intended by the Court presumably does not mean that without such treatment the patient will suffer death or serious physical injury, since, at least as regards the neuroleptic medication, it is not obvious that this would have been the result in Herczegfalvy.  The degree to which treatment can be enforced in order to safeguard others in society is likely to prove a controversial point” (Bartlett, 2012 p.366).
Bartlett sets further requirements for therapeutic necessity:
 “likelihood of given result… achieve long-term and sustainable change in … underlying disorder…some sort of substantive threshold of degree of benefit… {when} stabilization of a condition that would otherwise worsen may sometimes be all that is realistic, it is possible… that treatments that will reliably achieve this end might …meet… therapeutic necessity test; but the outcomes of treatment over non-treatment must presumably be real, significant and manifest” (Bartlett, 2011: p. 534).
“Is the degree of likelihood of success relevant–that is, even to prevent death, can it be said that a highly intrusive and painful treatment with a low probability of success is ‘medically necessary’? These and many other questions are left unanswered by the standard articulated… While the treating physician may be best placed to make an initial evaluation of the situation.. he or she is too close to the situation for the process to end with him or her…the State’s right to impose treatment raises a variety of political, legal and social issues as well as medical ones. This is not a purely medical matter, and the process must allow for an independent review of the decision” (Bartlett, 2012: p.367).
Bartlett’s own conclusions on psychiatric treatment are that they do not meet his ideal of knowing based on the patient’s own history of a treatment that has a high degree of success with few adverse effects but that in practice
 “serious mental illness involve a considerable amount of trial and error by clinicians in individual cases…results of this process can be mixed: sometimes, drug combinations are found which largely alleviate the disorder with minimal adverse effects; sometimes drug treatments have minimal beneficial effects, following considerable unpleasant adverse effects. In these circumstances, knowledge of probable outcomes in the specific case may be low, and the above standard would not allow compulsory treatment to be used” (Bartlett, 2011: p. 534)
Further,
“reasonable certainty of diagnosis, therapeutically necessary treatment, and outcome should be required before involuntary treatment is contemplated. If such certainty is absent, it is difficult to see that a human rights infringement is ‘balanced’ by a corresponding benefit (if indeed such a balancing is the correct approach), since the benefit is speculative. The requirement that a therapeutic necessity must be ‘convincingly shown to exist’, as required by Herczegfalvy, suggests a medical consensus on the appropriate treatment in the patient’s case, and disagreements between medical professionals are thus particularly problematic” (Bartlett, 2011: p.535).

Summarising Bartlett’s view is the difference between a treatment being appropriate (such as being indicated for a condition) or available and therapeutic necessity. He does not outline what the grounds for necessity are but does seem to acknowledge it is not necessarily life or death severity but even preventing harm to others is potentially controversial (Bartlett, 2012 p.366). Bartlett expects that to meet therapeutic necessity threshold to justify compulsion that proposed treatments should have a known high probability of affecting the underlying causes of disorder and achieving a substantial clinical benefit (Bartlett, 2011: p. 534). Taking into account the realities of clinical practice in psychiatry as well as adverse effects in treatment Bartlett doubts that psychiatric treatments would meet this threshold (Bartlett, 2011: p. 534 and p. 535) and that independent review of treatment plans by clinicians is necessary when compulsion is used (Bartlett, 2012 p.367).

3. Problems with Bartlett’s interpretation of Therapeutic Necessity

There are several problems with Bartlett’s positions – medical treatment in all of medicine does not necessarily have to address the underlying causes of a disorder to be regarded as therapeutic, psychiatric treatments overlap in effectiveness with many general medical treatments regarded as effective, in general medicine as well as psychiatry treatment often involves uncertainty of outcome, adverse effects are common to all types of medical treatment not just psychiatric treatment, his views on what is necessity may be regarded as overly restrictive to clinicians and finally his values seem to be against psychiatric treatment which may have informed his criteria for therapeutic necessity. I shall start with discussions of what is regarded as therapeutic in medicine before moving onto necessity.
Critical psychiatrists offer two models of prescribing goals – one a “disease-centred model” where medication reverses hypothesised mechanisms of disease producing symptoms -similar to Bartlett’s definition of therapeutic - or a “drug-centred model” where a drug is regarded as always harmful and producing many effects of which some may be regarded by the patient as beneficial such as blunting of painful emotions (Yeomans et al, 2015) – which would not meet Bartlett’s criteria. A more sophisticated view of therapeutic interventions in psychiatry has three potential goals: “alleviation of symptoms without affecting the disease course; prevention of progression, but not curative …; and curative or preventive …” (Lieberman et al, 2019: p.794
Sackett - the prime mover behind the “Evidence Based Medicine movement” - along with his co-authors outlined a list of objectives of treatments (Sackett et al, 1991: p. 189) which are relevant to discussions of therapeutic intentions in general medicine as whole as well as psychiatry in particular. Cure as an objective should be applied to circumstances such as a reversal of disease process but in layman terms often refers to situations where the symptoms are eliminated or a disease mechanism is compensated for (such as insulin to replace the body’s own insulin or benzodiazepines are used to greatly reduce the symptoms of alcohol withdrawal). Prevent recurrence refers to situations where treatment is aimed at preventing a return of the medical condition (or maintenance antipsychotics in schizophrenia) and can be expanded to preventing a first occurrence of a condition (such as vaccination to prevent infections) (Huda, 2019: p.80). Limiting deterioration are where interventions are given to prevent further problems such as the use of plasters and surgical fixation to prevent displacement of fractures or skills training to prevent loss of psychosocial functioning in severe mental illness. Many medical conditions are treated to prevent known complications associated with the condition such as the use of antihypertensives in high blood pressure to prevent cardiovascular disease. Relieving distress or symptoms is an important therapeutic goal as it is often distress or other unpleasant experiences labelled as symptoms that bring people to seek out medical help. Examples include painkillers for pain or antidepressants in depression.
These therapeutic goals regarded as legitimate in medicine as a whole and applied to psychiatry in particular are clearly broader than the narrow definition of Bartlett of affecting the underlying cause of the disorder. It should also be noted at this point that treatments used in general medicine do not always affect the underlying cause of the disorder either (Huda, 2019: p.291-292). Although outcomes such as preventing suicide and homicide may be accepted as outcomes by Bartlett they are thankfully relatively infrequent so it is difficult to have studies large enough to demonstrate proven benefit in achieving these outcomes. This should not be used as a reason to rule out psychiatric treatment unless that is one’s intention a priori as other treatment goals are regarded as legitimate in medicine.
In terms of establishing “substantive threshold of degree of benefit”(Bartlett, 2011: p.534) for psychiatric treatments, there is an overlap in effectiveness between medication used in psychiatry and general medicine in achieving therapeutic objectives (Leucht et al, 2012 and Leucht et al, 2015). What is the threshold in establishing substantial benefit? The psychiatric treatment with the largest effectiveness magnitude is electroconvulsive therapy (Huda, 2019: p.284) so if a threshold for substantial benefit is set that excludes antidepressants, antipsychotics and mood stabilisers then the only treatment option left under Bartlett’s criteria for enforced treatment would be electroconvulsive therapy – surely a drastic conclusion and potentially harmful when the excluded treatments may be more appropriate choices for the particular patient.

Bartlett’s point about trial and error in deciding treatments also applies in general medicine given the overlap in effectiveness with psychiatric and general medical treatments. There is often no absolute certainty about treatment in general medicine either. Number Needed to Treat (NNT) is a metric used in the medical literature: it indicates how many people need to be treated with the specified treatment before one person achieves the target significant clinical benefit compared to those given placebo or other control treatment. The NNT for psychiatric treatments overlaps with those of treatments regarded as effective in general medicine (Huda, 2019: p. 285-286). This suggests that there is a similar degree of therapeutic uncertainty in general medicine and psychiatry. As for certainty of diagnosis, there are similar degrees of diagnostic agreement in psychiatry compared to general medicine (Huda, 2019: p.120-143). Finally, problematic adverse effects are frequently found in treatments used in general medicine (Huda, 2019: 288-289). One argument that could be used by Bartlett is that he is discussing enforced treatments not treatments in everyday practice but the comparison presented here is relevant – that treatments in psychiatry are similar in some important respects to those used in general medicine and fulfil therapeutic criteria. The question of whether they should be enforced then rests on the necessity.

An article by Curtice summarised several of the crucial issues when it comes to necessity:

Margin of appreciation …clinical decisions that are proportional, therapeutically necessary and in keeping with accepted clinical practice are very unlikely to be outside this margin…
Proportionality Clinical intervention needs to balance the severity of the effect of the intervention with the severity of the presenting clinical problem, i.e. be a proportionate response to a clinical scenario.
Threshold of severity to engage Article 3 Ill-treatment must attain a minimum level of severity; assessment of this minimum is relative. ...” (Curtice, 2008: p. 390)

The concept of necessity requires balancing several factors to demonstrate that the therapeutic intervention is “proportionate response to a clinical scenario” (Curtice, 2008: p.390). These factors include “severity” of the problem (degree of symptoms, degree of impairment and probability of improvement if no treatment is offered as well as probability and nature of consequent risks) and “severity” of proposed treatment (the nature of the treatment, the probability and nature of adverse effects). There is also the question of probability of the treatment being effective but this also needs balanced with the consequences of not treating the problem – the worse the prognosis the more likely a low chance of success would be regarded as justified by necessity. Examples from clinical practice are now discussed.

An elated manic patient may wish to continue in this state (though there are often periods of mixed moods including depressed mood) and not see any problem with spending large amounts of money or reckless impulsive decisions that may cause problems such as sexual activity with people other than their spouse. The clinician may decide that the priority is to reduce the manic symptoms which should also have the benefit of preventing complications in the person’s life by their disinhibited behaviour. (One patient told me “you spoilt my fun” when I had reduced their manic symptoms). A depressed patient who is suicidal may not agree with the doctor for starting treatment with the therapeutic goal of reducing symptoms and preventing occurrence of suicide: they may believe they deserve to suffer and die because of guilt, they may think treatment is pointless because of depressive pessimism, they may prioritise harm avoidance of treatment side-effects A patient with what the doctor regards as delusions or hallucinations may believe in the truth of what the doctor describes as psychotic symptoms. They may want to have any associated distress reduced but in consonant with their beliefs/ hallucinations (such as the persecution ending from persecutors). Apart from reducing distress the doctor may wish to prevent the occurrence of events – such as self-harm or aggression- that may be associated with the psychosis.
Weighing up the potential harms with treatment with the consequent risks of not treating is easier for certain risks – if the patient is a higher risk to others or self and harder for others – such as for continued presence of what seems mild-moderate distress or impaired functioning. Deciding on necessity depends on how one values these different factors. Sometimes the conclusion of weighing up these factors is that no treatment is indicated. This type of weighing up these factors is the heart of clinical practice with the additional complication of over-riding autonomy.  Although Bartlett expresses the view that decisions about enforced treatment are more than medical decisions (Bartlett, 2012: p.367) these decisions take place within the context of a legal framework with limits on medical decision-making, often with guidance such as the Code of Practice in England and Wales to provide the principles that should guide the values used to underpin decision-making  with supervisory procedures such as appeals and Tribunals to oversee the use if compulsory treatments. Bartlett focusses on the right of autonomy but ignores other rights such as the right to life.
Bartlett’s own values are at a minimum highly sceptical about psychiatric treatments. He puts forwards his own view that “benefits of psychiatric medication are not necessarily clear-cut, and the risks can be significant” (Bartlett, 2011: p.517) despite the overlap in effectiveness and adverse effects with treatments used in general medicine as discussed above. Contrary to his own claim to want a “balanced reflection” (Bartlett 2011; p. 517) barely mentions any benefits but instead discusses at length adverse effects including a claim that antipsychotics kills more people that it saves which is contradicted by the research evidence that antipsychotics reduce mortality (Tiihonen et al, 2009). This illustrates the perils of relying on balanced accurate evidence from someone advocating a legal argument.

Bartlett describes psychiatric medication as “mind-altering drugs” (Bartlett, 2011: p.535) – a highly value-laden term that makes the medication sound frightening but just highlights conceptual confusion. After all, psychiatric medication is used to benefit people with mental health conditions whom are regarded as having unpleasant, distressing or impaired functioning of mind– hence the therapeutic aim would to be alter the state of mind in a beneficial way surely? Which begs the question what does Bartlett think psychiatric treatment should alter? The feet? These values may inform Bartlett’s views that only reversing the underlying causes of the condition or better (unspecified) outcomes but not reducing symptoms should be regarded as valid therapeutic necessity to justify enforced treatment. However, given most psychiatric treatments are justified on clinical grounds for reducing symptoms and does not reverse underlying mechanisms of mental disorders (many of which are unknown) (see discussion above) Bartlett’s proposals -perhaps influenced by his values towards psychiatric treatment - would rule out of bounds most psychiatric treatments as fulfilling therapeutic necessity criteria.

Therapeutic objectives apart from affecting underlying causes pf disorder or preventing outcomes – such as reducing distress or limiting deterioration – are regarded as legitimate in general medical practice. Psychiatric treatments overlap in effectiveness with treatments in general medicine and setting too high a threshold to justify enforced treatment would leave only electroconvulsive therapy as the only compulsory treatment option. Uncertainty of treatment response also occurs in general medicine. Necessity involves a balancing of the likelihood and nature of benefits and harms of proposed treatment versus the likely outcomes and risks of the patient’s clinical state. There are various laws, guidance and supervisory procedures to oversee the medical decision making. Bartlett’s statements on psychiatric treatments suggest his values are against medication which influence his criteria for therapeutic necessity.

4. Conclusion

Bartlett set out restrictive criteria for therapeutic necessity over-riding autonomy and justifying enforced treatment for mental disorder – affecting underlying causes of the disorder and /or affecting outcomes apart from reducing symptoms as well as requiring lack of uncertainty over benefits and expressed scepticism over psychiatric treatment in terms of effectiveness and adverse effects. He argued these are not solely medical decisions.
I argued therapeutic necessity is a conjunction of two terms – what is therapeutic and what is necessity. Therapeutic involves a broad series of potential therapeutic goals such as preventing occurrence of negatively perceived outcomes or relieving distress (Sackett et al, 1991: 189) rather than Bartlett’s narrow definition. Psychiatric treatments are in many ways similar to treatments in general medicine in terms of effectiveness, uncertainty over benefit and propensity to adverse effects. Bartlett’s scepticism over psychiatric treatments seem to be underpinned by values biased against psychiatric medication. Necessity involves judgements by clinicians as to the current severity and risk of adverse outcomes of the patient’s current clinical situation and that of the proposed treatment. These judgments and actions by clinicians are limited by statute with guidance on how to implement the laws and supervision of clinical practice for example by review tribunals.

References

Bartlett, P., 2011. ‘The necessity must be convincingly shown to exist’: Standards for compulsory treatment for mental disorder under the Mental Health Act 1983. Medical law review19(4), pp.514-547.
Bartlett, P., 2012. Chapter 14 Rethinking Herczegfalvy: the Convention and the control of psychiatric treatment in Brems, E. ed., 2012. Diversity and European human rights: rewriting judgments of the ECHR. Cambridge University Press.
Bloch, S.E. and Chodoff, P.E., 1991. Psychiatric ethics. Oxford University Press
Curtice, M., 2008. Article 3 of the Human Rights Act 1998: implications for clinical practice. Advances in Psychiatric Treatment14(5), pp.389-397.
Emanuel, E.J. and Emanuel, L.L., 1992. Four models of the physician-patient relationship. Jama267(16), pp.2221-2226
Fulford, K.W.M., Smirnov, A.Y.U. and Snow, E., 1993. Concepts of disease and the abuse of psychiatry in the USSR. The British Journal of Psychiatry162(6), pp.801-810
Hope, T., 2004. A very short introduction to medical ethics.Oxford University Press, Oxford
Huda, A.S., 2019. The Medical Model in Mental Health: An Explanation and Evaluation. Oxford University Press, Oxford.
Lieberman, J.A., Small, S.A. and Girgis, R.R., 2019. Early detection and preventive intervention in schizophrenia: from fantasy to reality. American Journal of Psychiatry176, pp.794-810
Leucht, S., Hierl, S., Kissling, W., Dold, M. and Davis, J.M., 2012. Putting the efficacy of psychiatric and general medicine medication into perspective: review of meta-analyses. The British Journal of Psychiatry200(2), pp.97-106.
Leucht, S., Helfer, B., Gartlehner, G. and Davis, J.M., 2015. How effective are common medications: a perspective based on meta-analyses of major drugs. BMC medicine13(1), p.253.
Matthews, E., 2000. Autonomy and the psychiatric patient. Journal of applied philosophy, pp.59-70.
Sackett D.L., Haynes R.B., Guyatt G.H. & Tugwell P., 1991 Clinical Epidemiology: A Basic Science for Clinical Medicine (Second Edition) Boston/Toronto/London. Little, Brown and Company
Tiihonen, J., Lönnqvist, J., Wahlbeck, K., Klaukka, T., Niskanen, L., Tanskanen, A. and Haukka, J., 2009. 11-year follow-up of mortality in patients with schizophrenia: a population-based cohort study (FIN11 study). The Lancet, 374(9690), pp.620-627.
Yeomans, D., Moncrieff, J. and Huws, R., 2015. Drug-centred psychopharmacology: a non-diagnostic framework for drug treatment. BJPsych Advances21(4), pp.229-236.

Sunday, 8 December 2019

Values underpinning "therapeutic necessity" in mental health legislation

Why is there disagreement over “therapeutic necessity” in mental health law?

Introduction

In Herczegfalvy v Austriathe European Court of Human Rights ruled that imposed psychiatric treatment without consent did not breach Article 3 of the European Convention of Human Rights (freedom from torture and inhuman or degrading treatment) in situations of medicalor therapeutic necessity(Bartlett, 2011: p. 525). In order to grant this warrant to override the usual ethical position of respecting patient autonomy it is necessary to define what medical ortherapeutic necessityis. Bartlett, a legal expert, suggested therapeutic necessity should involve “treating the underlying disorder or improving outcomes” in situations of severity (Bartlett, 2011: p. 525). The courts on medical matters tend to take the view of medical experts in their field of expertise. 
I will argue that therapeutic necessityis a conjunction of two terms – what is therapeuticand what is necessity.Therapeuticinvolves a broad series of potential therapeutic goals such as preventing occurrence of negatively perceived outcomes or relieving distress (Sackett et al, 1991: 189) rather than Bartlett’s narrow definition but these goals ostensibly are supposed to be based on patient values not imposed medical values (Sackett et al, 1991). Necessityinvolves judgements by clinicians as to the current severity and risk of adverse outcomes. These judgments involve values and the decision as to whether they justify compulsion also involves value judgements.
Although much work on enforced detention and treatment is centred on autonomy even if this issue is resolved satisfactorily these ethical warrants for therapeutic necessitystill heavily involve value judgements. In particular people may value autonomy differently versus other rights such as the right to life the disputes over this issue are unlikely to be resolved.

When is enforced psychiatric treatment legally justifiable?

“A characteristic feature of mental health legislation … is the provision which is made for waiving, in certain cases, that respect for patients’ autonomy, their right not to be treated without their explicit consent, … regarded as a requirement in most fields of medicine.” (Mathews, 2000: p.59)
Psychiatric detention and treatment without consent may be regarded by some as breaching Articles 3 (freedom for torture and inhuman/ degrading treatment),  5 (liberty and security of the person) and 8 (respect for private and family life) of the European Convention of Human Rights (Bartlett, 2012:  352). On the specific issue of enforced treatment without consent the case of Herczegfalvyv Austria is “key” in establishing under which circumstances Article 3 has not been breached (Bartlett, 2011). 

Mr Herczegfalvy was detained and treated for “paranoia querulans” – essentially a diagnosis used for people who are suspicious and excessively questioning - (after transfer from prison where he was violent) which involved use of prolonged physical restraints, use of restraint to administer antipsychotic medication which involved him suffering broken bones and lost teeth and being force fed. (Curtice, 2008). The European Court of Human Rights ruled Article 3 rights were not contravened and in paragraph 82 outlined their thinking on enforced psychiatric treatment and Article 3.
“82. … the position of inferiority and powerlessness
which is typical of patients confined in psychiatric hospitals calls for
increased vigilance in reviewing whether the Convention has been complied
with. While it is for the medical authorities to decide, on the basis of
the recognised rules of medical science, on the therapeutic methods to be
used, if necessary by force, to preserve the physical and mental health of
patients who are entirely incapable of deciding for themselves and for
whom they are therefore responsible, such patients nevertheless remain
under the protection of Article 3…

The established principles of medicine are admittedly in principle decisive
in such cases; as a general rule, a measure which is a therapeutic
necessity cannot be regarded as inhuman or degrading. The Court must
nevertheless satisfy itself that the medical necessity has been convincingly
shown to exist.” (Bartlett, 2012: p.365)

An article by Curtice summarised several of the crucial issues:

Margin of appreciation Domestic states have different accepted clinical practices and standards... Consequently, clinical decisions that are proportional, therapeutically necessary and in keeping with accepted clinical practice are very unlikely to be outside this margin…
Proportionality Clinical intervention needs to balance the severity of the effect of the intervention with the severity of the presenting clinical problem, i.e. be a proportionate response to a clinical scenario.
Threshold of severity to engage Article 3 Ill-treatment must attain a minimum level of severity; assessment of this minimum is relative. ...” (Curtice, 2008: p. 390)

Specific advice has been given firstly for necessity(Article 18) and what constitutes therapeutic(Article 19).

The Recommendation of the Committee of Ministers to Member Statesconcerning the protection of the human rights and dignity of persons with mental disorder, Rec(2004)10,.. sets out different criteria for involuntary treatment and involuntary detention. The substantive recommendations concerning involuntary treatment are as follows: Article 18 – Criteria for involuntary treatment A person may be subject to involuntary treatment only if all the following conditions are met: i. the person has a mental disorder; ii. the person’s condition represents a significant risk of serious harm to his or her health or to other persons; iii. no less intrusive means of providing appropriate care are available; iv. the opinion of the person concerned has been taken into consideration. Article 19 – Principles concerning involuntary treatment 1. Involuntary treatment should: i. address specific clinical signs and symptoms;ii. be proportionate to the person’s state of health; iii. form part of a written treatment plan; iv. be documented; v. where appropriate, aim to enable the use of treatment acceptable to the person as soon as possible.” (Bartlett, 2012: p.374)
Legal justification for enforced psychiatric treatment without consent relies on the condition of therapeutic necessity and split into two further conditions – what is therapeuticintervention and what is necessity.  In the next two sections I will discuss what therapeutic means in  medical practice and what may be considered necessity, how values complicate both matters and how these values will prevent agreement in all parties involved in such discussions of the legal justification of enforced treatment – clinicians, patients, carers and lawyers. It is important to be clear what therapeutic necessity refers to before the issuing of ethical warrants for doctors to breach their usual convention of respecting patient autonomy.

What is Therapeutic?

What does therapeuticmean in this context? The Recommendation of the Committee of (EU) Ministers to Member States defined therapeuticas having an intention to “address specific clinical signs and symptoms” (Bartlett, 2012: p.374). Bartlett, a legal academic defines therapeuticas “treatments may appropriately be prescribed which are not therapeutically necessary. Treatments which attack the symptoms of a disorder but not the underlying disease are an obvious example” (Bartlett, 2011: p. 533) as well as “treating the underlying disorder or improving outcomes” (Bartlett, 2011: p. 531). The Code of Practice of the Mental Health Act (1983) requires that appropriate treatment “must be treatment which is for the purpose of alleviating or preventing a worsening of the patient’s mental disorder or its symptoms or manifestations” (Bartlett, 2011: p.533). So whereas Bartlett does not regard lessening symptoms as part of therapeutic necessity – only those treatments that target “underlying disease” or improve outcomes (but not outcomes such as improving symptoms) – the official viewpoints such as the Code of Practice are that improving or preventing deterioration of symptoms may count as therapeutic. These are legal and statutory viewpoints. What is the medical opinion which is the key factor (Bartlett, 2012: p.365)?
Critical psychiatrists offer two models of prescribing – one a “disease-centred model” where medication reverses hypothesised mechanisms of disease producing the symptoms (similar to Bartlett’s definition) or a “drug-centred model” where a drug is regarded as always harmful and producing many effects of which some may be regarded by the patient as beneficial such as blunting of painful emotions (Yeomans et al, 2015). A more sophisticated view of therapeuticregards medical interventions as having three potential goals:

 “alleviation of symptoms without affecting the disease course; prevention of progression, but not curative …; and curative or preventive …” (Lieberman et al, 2019: p.794

Sackett - one of the prime movers behind the “Evidence Based Medicine movement” - along with his co-authors outlined a list of objectives of treatments to be decided with the patient (Sackett et al, 1991: p. 189). I have listed them below with my suggested modifications and additions in italics.
“1.           Cure
2.              Prevent recurrence/occurrence
3.              Limit structural or functional deterioration
4.              Prevent later complication
5.              Relieve current distress/reduce symptoms
6.              Deliver appropriatereassurance
7.              Allow to die with comfort and dignity/avoid overzealous treatment”(Huda, 2019; p. 79) adapted from Sackett et al, 1991; p. 189)

Describing these in order, cure should be applied to circumstances such as a reversal of disease process but in layman terms often refers to situations where the symptoms are eliminated or a disease mechanism is compensated for (such as when pharmaceutical insulin is prescribed to replace the body’s own insulin). Prevent recurrence refers to situations where treatment is aimed at preventing a return of the medical condition (or maintenance antipsychotics in schizophrenia) and I expanded it to interventions are given to prevent a first occurrence of a condition (such as vaccination to prevent infections). Limiting deterioration are where interventions are given to prevent further problems such as the use of plasters and surgical fixation to prevent displacement of fractures. Many medical conditions are treated to prevent known complications associated with the condition such as the use of antihypertensives in high blood pressure to prevent cardiovascular disease. Relieving distress or symptoms is an important therapeutic goal as it is often distress or other unpleasant experiences labelled as symptoms that bring people to seek out medical help. Examples include painkillers for pain or antidepressants in depression. Sometimes patients they are worried their symptoms may be caused by a dangerous medical condition but the results of tests are negative so doctors offer reassurance as the intervention. Finally, good medical practice in certain situations is not to carry out intensive interventions with little chance of success as well as to allow someone to have a ‘good death’ according to their wishes. 

This list of therapeutic objectives is broad not all could be regarded as justifying compulsory treatment (for example providing reassurance) and avoiding overzealous treatment by definition is not an imposed treatment without consent. Sackett et al emphasise the importance of patient choice for these treatment objectives.

“Since any decision about the ultimate objective of treatment is made for the sake of the patient, most clinicians involve, and even defer to, the patient’s wishes (or those of an impaired patient’s family) in this decision. And when assessing the risks and benefits (especially as they involve trade-offs between the quantity and quality of life) may not only be useful but crucial (Sackett et al, 1991: p. 188).”

Values clearly have a role in deciding which treatment objectives are valid and which should be chosen in specific circumstances. Bartlett’s own values are at a minimum highly sceptical about psychiatric treatments. He puts forwards his own view that  “benefits of psychiatric medication are not necessarily clear-cut, and the risks can be significant” (Bartlett, 2011: p.517) and contrary to his own claim to want a “balanced reflection” (Bartlett 2011; p. 517) barely mentions any benefits but instead discusses at length adverse effects including a claim that antipsychotics kills more people that it saves which is contradicted by the research evidence that antipsychotics reduce mortality (Tiihonen et al, 2009). This illustrates the perils of relying on balanced accurate evidence from someone advocating a legal argument. As for effectiveness of psychiatric treatments there is an overlap in effectiveness between medication used in psychiatry and general medicine in achieving therapeutic objectives (Leucht et al, 2012 and Leucht et al, 2015). 

Bartlett further reveals his attitudinal values towards psychiatric medication by describing them as “mind-altering drugs” (Bartlett, 2011: p.535) – a highly value-laden term that makes the medication sound frightening but just highlights conceptual confusion. After all, psychiatric medication is used to benefit people with mental health conditions whom are regarded as having unpleasant, distressing or impaired functioning of mind– hence the therapeutic aim would to be alter the state of mind in a beneficial way surely? Which begs the question what does Bartlett think psychiatric treatment should alter? The feet? These values may inform Bartlett’s views that only reversing the underlying causes of the condition or better (unspecified) outcomes but not reducing symptoms should be regarded as valid therapeutic necessity to justify enforced treatment. However, given most psychiatric treatments are justified on clinical grounds for reducing symptoms and does not reverse underlying mechanisms of mental disorders (many of which are unknown) (see Huda, 2019: p. 258-304 which also contains a discussion of how many general medical medications do not reverse underlying mechanisms either) Bartlett’s proposals -perhaps influenced by his values towards psychiatric treatment - would rule out of bounds most psychiatric treatments as fulfilling therapeutic necessitycriteria.

Enforced treatment without consent contrasts with the typical situation in medicine where therapeutic goals are supposed to be chosen at least in conjunction at the least if not actually led by the patient and their values (Sackett et al, 1991: p. 188). Here the clinician’s values (usually the doctor’s but recent changes to the Mental Health Act have allowed other clinicians to have this power) has the ultimate power in deciding the therapeuticgoals; the Code of Practice may reinforce the importance of consultation and taking on board patient views and values but the clinician’s values have the golden vote. 

Several examples of clashes of values will now be discussed. The first obvious one is the allocation of states of mind and behaviour to the category of ‘mental disorder’ by the clinician. Whilst evaluative processes are involved in both physical and mental disease concepts these are more so in mental disorder (Fulford et al (1993): 806-807) as values underlying designation of states as physical disease are more commonly shared and thus less problematic for physical illness compared to mental disorder (Fulford in Boch & Chodoff (1991): 80-82). As a corollary, deciding that certain states of mind and behaviours are ‘symptoms’ that need ‘reduced’ is an evaluative judgement that may not be shared between clinician and patient.

A patient in an elated manic state may wish to continue in this state (though there are often periods of mixed moods including depressed mood) and not see any problem with spending large amounts of money or reckless impulsive decisions that may cause problems such as sexual activity with people other than their spouse. The clinician may decide that the priority is to reduce the manic symptoms which should also have the benefit of preventing complications in the person’s life by their disinhibited behaviour. (One patient told me “you spoilt my fun” when I had reduced their manic symptoms). The clinician is making the value judgement that these therapeutic goals are sufficiently desirable to have the chance (not certainty) of achieving them by having treatment imposed despite the negatives such as enforcing treatment and potential side effects. A depressed patient who is suicidal may not agree with the doctor for starting treatment with the therapeutic goal of reducing symptoms and preventing occurrence of suicide for several reasons: they may believe they deserve to suffer and die because of guilt, they may think treatment is pointless because of depressive pessimism, they may prioritise harm avoidance of treatment side-effects rather than taking a chance on feeling less depressed or they may think the treatment is intended to punish them because the doctor dislikes them.  A patient with what the doctor regards as delusions or hallucinations may believe in the truth of what the doctor describes as psychotic symptoms. They may want to have any associated distress reduced but in consonant with their beliefs/ hallucinations (such as the persecution ending from persecutors). They may not therefore agree with taking medication for psychosis they do not believe they have, they may worry the medication can sedate them making them vulnerable to attack or they may think the medication is part of the persecution to discredit them or even poison them.

Clinicians may be choosing therapeutic aims that are similar to those in medicine as a whole but in enforced treatment against consent, the values that “doctor knows best” trumps the patient’s values in an “authoritarian” model of physician-patient relationship and given the role of state authorised enforced treatment some may regard it as an “instrumental” model in which the physician is acting as the instrument of the authorities (Emanuel & Emanuel, 1992). These value differences persist regardless of the question of impaired autonomy. One can argue that these value clashes are state-dependent and will change when they are not in such mental states but as Bartlett describes there are mixed views on compulsion as a whole afterwards (including presumably the question of enforced treatment) after the detention ends (Bartlett, 2011:p.520) which suggests that even if autonomy was impaired then after restoration of autonomy the clashes in values about the decision can persist.  

What is Necessity?

Situations of necessityjustifying legal detention and enforced treatment of mental disorders require sufficient severity with sufficient risk to health of the patient or to others and where compulsion is still necessary despite consultation with the patient who is judged to lack decision-making capability at the time and the proposed measures are proportionate to the situation (Curtice, 2008: p. 390, Bartlett, 2012: p.365 and Bartlett, 2012: p.374).
This definition of necessityinvolves values – for example the concept of margin of appreciationrecognises that in different EU states different standards and judgements will apply as to what is acceptable clinical practice (Curtice, 2008: p. 390) and this must be due to different local values not merely what specific treatments are available. 
Severity of mental disorder usually involves subjective judgements based on interviews and observations rather than more objective biomarkers which contrasts with the common use of investigation results to underpin decisions in general medicine (see Huda, 2019: p.187-206 for further discussion) and a values-influenced statement of severity such as ‘moderate’. This obviously is prone to be affected by values at various levels from culture to the individual. In mental health severity judgements may be based using ‘anchoring’ observations of such as ability to fulfil occupational demands, self-harming behaviours or self -care – these may display inter-rater reliability but are affected by values. 
Judging the risk involved is also subjective, often involving the collection and weighing up of protective and risk factors and the history of the patient but still involving an element of personal judgement and allocation to a category such as ‘high risk’ which is inevitably affected by values. Psychiatric assessments of risk may not be particularly reliable or accurate (Hope, 2004: p.81) which means that the weightone places on them and in their construction inevitably involves values.
Let us assume these psychiatric assessments of risk ARE reliable and accurate. Say a person with depression is estimated to be at a risk for suicide of 1% in the next week. Personal values influence how we weigh this information up as to whether it justifies enforced treatment let alone detention. Those whose personally value autonomy greatly (not least the patient whose autonomy is being threatened) or those who have an antipathy to psychiatric services (sometimes with good reason due to bad personal experiences of “care”) will focus on the absolute nature of the figure – 99% will not commit suicide and point to the usual civil justice standard of ‘balance of probabilities’ i.e. greater than 50% chance needed. Others will prize autonomy so greatly they will demand a higher threshold or even accept no imposition on autonomy at all. Those whose values regard mental health problems as clinical problems that require treatment or place great emphasis on the right to life may focus on therelativeincrease in risk – in the nature of several thousand fold increase in risk for the average member of the population (assuming an annual suicide rate of 10:100,000) and several hundred fold for people with depression (assuming a lifetime risk of 5-10% for suicide that operates over several decades of a recurrent illness).This great relative increase in risk may need a further justification to convince those wavering between autonomy and right to life – such as the availability of treatment that has a chance to benefit (there are no guarantees in medicine but there can be a reasonable possibility of benefit) and if it is enforced without consent it has a reasonable chance to reduce the symptoms of depression and improve the patient’s quality of life and maybe reduce the risk of suicide. 
The occasions where patients with mental disorders may pose a risk to others might be regarded as being more likely to lead to shared agreement over justification to detention and enforced treatment without consent as people are more likely to agree that autonomy does not allow one to ham others. On the other hand concerns about the reliability and accuracy of risk to others still applies (Hope, 2004: p.81) and the use of preventative detention on the grounds of a health condition posing a risk to others is still a value choice to treat people with mental health problems differently from ‘ordinary criminals’ who pose a risk to the public (Hope, 2004 p.81) even if an argument can be made that mental illness causing somebody to be aggressive implies reduced responsibility as well as a possibility of reducing this aggression with suitable interventions which justifies this different ‘treatment’.  Those whose values justify detaining and enforcing treatment on the basis of health alone are relying on judgments of what constitutes health and illness based on values which are less likely to be shared in mental health conditions (Fulford et al (1993): 806-807and Fulford in Boch & Chodoff (1991): 80-82) and therefore less agreement with those who prioritise autonomy.
Judgements as to necessity involve value judgements – on deciding the level of severity and the level of risk. Further value judgements are involved in deciding whether severity and the associated risks justify breaching autonomy and often involve weighing up different rights such as autonomy and the right to life – these values differ amongst people hence their conclusions for the same clinical scenario will vary.

Discussion

The ethical warrant to allow doctors to enforce detention and treatment without consent in situations of therapeutic necessitygoes against the usual position of respecting patient autonomy (Mathews, 2000 p.59) and much focus has been on trying to demonstrate patients subjected to these breaches of autonomy-based rights do not have ‘autonomy’ due to their mental disorder (for example, Mathews, 2000: p. 66-69) thus allowing the doctor to act as substitute decision maker. There seems an assumption that if this is demonstrated satisfactorily then this make such enforced detention and treatment without consent uncontroversial or at least a largely value-free action.
Unfortunately for this point of view values will continue to be a source of dispute even if it can be demonstrated that patient autonomy is always impaired by mental disorder in situations of enforced detention and treatment without consent justified by therapeutic necessity. This is because deciding what are the appropriate therapeuticobjectives – such as reducing symptoms or preventing occurrence of events such as suicide – involves value judgements from the clinicians - such as what experiences are symptoms, what is a mental disorder – trumping those of the patient who may not agree that they have a mental disorder or with the therapeutic objectives when the mental disorder has improved (Bartlett, 2011:p.520). Further, many people have values that object to many psychiatric treatments regarding them as “mind-altering” in a perjorative sense (Bartlett, 2011: p.535). Deciding what is necessity further involves the role of values in deciding how severe the mental disorder is and how great the risks are as well as a value judgement in do they justify detention and treatment without consent.
One obvious clash of values is how to weigh up competing demands of autonomy versus other rights such as those of a right to life and some people may regard the restoration to what they regard as health as a right. People weigh these different entitlements differently and some people will never accept breaches of autonomy in any circumstances. 
Enforced detention and treatment without consent will never be universally accepted due to differences in values between people.

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